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S P K K C H 



SENATOK C 1). DRAKE, 

Dclivcrcil ;n Si. I.tniis, Xovcmber 4tli. u'^yo. 



The rditical Situation in ^[issouri — The Betrayal of 

tlie Republican Party — Carl Shurz and 

Gratz Brown Displayed. 



Fellow-Citizens of St. Louis : Return- 
ed from a five weeks' canvass ot a large por- 
Mon of our State, I greet you with the pres- 
age of victory. Next Tuesday need have no 
gloomy aspect for the Kepublicans of Mis- 
souri. It will be signalized to them by the 
triuronh of honesty, principle and ripht over 
one of the most audacious schemes ot polit- 
cal knavery known in the history of Amer- 
ican politics. 

NATUKB OF THE CONTEST. 

The pending conflict is not, as heretofore, 
between the KspublleaQ party and the Dem- 
ocratic party, but between the Repub- 
lican party in Its integrity, and what 
my senatorial colleague. General Schnrz, 
assuming to lead It, calls the "German ele- 
ment," with a retinue of former American 
Kepublicans. who have for years hung upon 
the skirts of that "element," and fattened 
on oliices bestowed by the Radical party.and 
are loth to give them up ; and a part of the 
Democracy, who have been deluded by Gen- 
eral Schurz, B Gratz Brown, Thomas C. 
Fletcher, John McNlel, Bacon Montgomery, 
and others of that ilk, into the belief that 
some great good Is to come to the Democrat- 
ic party from placing the State government 
of Missouri, for two years to come, under the 
influence of men whom that party have for 
years denounced as guilty of heinous crimes, 
rather than in the bands ot a man against 
whose integrity no charge has yet been suc- 
cessfully made. 

ATTITUDE OP THE DEM0CU4CY. 

A part of the Democracy, I say ; tor nothing 
is better known to pvpi-v man who sees and 
uear9",Than that the Bolters' ticket,headed by 
B. Gratz Brown, has no more hope of receiv- 
ing the entire D<imocratic vote of this 
i^*'^^e, than T havu of recelvintr that vote in 
lbi2 for l*re3ld«nt of the United States. 
Days ago the Mia^ourl Kepablican tolled 
rh» knpii or th« bolters' cause, when it said 
tliHt t-ve'v ln»m'-cratic vote iQ the State 
wwuld bo netued to elect Brown. Kven then 
it. was certain that Brown would fall short 
Uy ttiousauds of receiviug th« wholo Demo- 



cratic vote of the State; to-day it is more 
probable that the deficiency will exceed than 
fall below twenty thousand. That is the 
death warrant of the bolters ; let them look 
for an undertaker. 

THE GERMAN ELEMENT. 

What Is that "German element" of which 
General Schurz has frequently spoken? Is 
It the entire mass ot onr Gprman-Amerlcan 
citizens? By no means. Koither is It the 
entire mass of that class ot those citizens 
who have heretofore constituted so largt 
and valuable a part of the Radical party of 
Missouri. But it is that portion of tbem 
who have unguardedly, and tor themselves 
unfortunately yielded to a leadership which 
must and will be disastrous to any political 
party that submits to it; for It lacks 
sagacity, discretion, and discrimina- 
tion of principle, and is selfish, grasp- 
ing, self-suflicient, and imperious. It 
is that leadership which has made its fol- 
lowers habitual dictators and bolters, and 
has finally attempted to disrupt the Repub- 
lican party of Missouri. It is with that lead- 
ership ana its followers thatour preset t con- 
flict Is, and not with the rest of our Germa:i 
citizens, nor yet with the Democracy, as a 
party. 

THE HESUKKECTED LAZARUS OF MISSOURI 
POLITICS. 

GeneralSchurz and that "German ele- 
ment," so far as Identified with him, are de- 
serters from the Republican camp, who, in 
league with a portion of what he calls the 
"common enemy," are waging deadly war 
upon the Republican party of this State 
But for his and their desertion, B Gratz 
Brown would never have been the resurrect- 
ed Lazarus of Missouri politics, nor would 
other men, supposed to have departed the 
life political, have reappeared as advocates 
ot a new species ot liberality, which 
"Proves Its doctrine orthodox 
By apostolic blows and knocks" 
against Its old friends. When sucii deserters 
wago war iipoiuny l»arlyi 1 wag<5 war ui><ni 
Itiein, 






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' T say .iRHln, (hat tlio Reimbllcaii party of 
Missouri 18 atniggliug with tlio leaders aud 
hauRers on of that "German elemeut" who 
w»Te of that party, but are now out ol It, 
aud promineatly with General Carl Schurz, 
who wa8 of it, but is now out of It; and who. 
boasfiDji of being a "life-long Repnblican," 
did not love his party well enough to save it 
when he might, but hastened, while wearing 
its highest honors, to slay it when he sup- 
posed he could. 

SCHURZ'S JUSTIFICATION. 

My friends, such a deed calls for justiflca- 
tioc. and General Schuiz is to-day, as he 
has been for weeks, offering it before the 
people of Missouri. Let us examine It, 
searchingly but fairly. If be is right, we 
are wrong; if be is wrong, we are right. 
There is no middle ground. 

As all know, his justification centers in 
the question now before the people for their 
decision next Tuesday, in regard to their 
ratiQcation of an amendment to the consti- 
tution of Missouri, removing the disfran- 
chisement of the late rebels. 

THE ENFRANCHISING AMENDMENT- 

Though there never has been a moment of 
time since that amendment was propostd by 
the Legislature that its adoption by the peo- 
ple was in the least doubtful ; though its 
adoption by at least twenty five thousand, 
and more probably by fifty thousand major- 
ity, was as certain as the coming of the day 
of election ; he used the pendency of that 
amendment as the occasion and apparent 
cause for his desertion of and hostility ;to a 
party to which he owed the only Gflicial ele- 
vation of his life by the people, and to the de- 
fense of which he was bound by every obliga- 
tion ot gratitude. Ue found a fit accomplice 
in B. Gratz Brown, who likewise had worn 
that party's high honors. They were well 
mated, 

CAUSE OF THE BOLT. 

As I said, the desertion by General 
Sshurz and his followers from the Re- 
publican State convention, bringing distrac- 
tion and division Into the Repub- 
lican party, was ostensibly connected 
wivh the peading constitutional amendment 
enfranchising rebels. The majority of the 
committee on resolutions in that body, of 
which committee General Schurz was a mem- 
ber, and of the majority of which he was one, 
reported a resolution on that subject ; while 
the minority of the committee reported a 
substitute therefor. The only essential dif- 
ferences between the two were these : The 
majority resolution declared that the time 
haa come for the enfranchisement of rebels, 
and recommended the amendment to the 
people for their approval and adoption ; while 
the resolution reported by the minority did 
not declare that the time had come, but left 
It to the whole people to decide that point ; 
and upon that question recognized the right 
of any member of the party to vote his hon- 
est conviction. The convention adopted the 
latter resolution ; aud for that reason, and 
that alone, so far as appears on the surface 
of things, a portion of the convention bolted 
from It, and organized a hostile convention, 
over which General Schurz presided, and 
which brought out the ticket headed by B. 
Gratz Brown. 

DECEPTION, MISREPRESENTATION, FRAUD. 

Fellow citizens, the history ot American 
polities records no such llagraut act of de- 
sertion ot party for so trivial and unjustUi- 
abie a cause. That it should have been done 
upon so slight a ground, is conclusive proof 
that the parties eugaKed in It had as much 
predotenniiifid that a S(^para^Ion sliotild 
be forced, as the wolf in the faOlo had prede- 



JX.PO 



tenulued a qHarrol with tho lamb. The 
cause alleged stood upon too flue a point to 
hold it. Did the bolt from the convention 
really decide that the time for enfranchise- 
ment had come? Assuredly not; for that 
question was, at last, to be decided by the 
people at the ballot-box. Did the bolt help 
to settle that point? Not In the least; for 
still the people were to settle it. Did the 
nomination of the Brown ticket decide the 
question? By no means ; for there Is no con- 
nection between the election or non-election 
of that ticket, and the adoption or rejection 
ot the amendment. That ticket might be 
elected and the amehdment defeated, or the 
amendment adopted aud the ticket 
defeated. There was eg fitting of the 
means to the end; and the reason was 
that the end really aimed at was not the one 
held out to view. The whole transaction 
was one of deception, misrepresentation, 
and fraud. The people were to be cheated 
with a false pretence in furtherance ot a to- 
tally different and much less worthy pur- 
pose. 

HOW THE DEFECTION IS JUSTIFIED. 

A necessity was laid upon the contrivers 
and perpetrators of such an act, to justify it 
before the people. What Is their justification? 
It is two fold ; first, that the adoption ot the 
amendment enfranchising rebals Is a matter 
ot principle; a^d secondly, that the Republi- 
can party stood pledged to remove the dis- 
franchisement of rebels, and that the Repub- 
lican State convention repudiated that 
pledge, and therefore the minority of the 
convention had no resource but to abandon 
a party which would not stand up to Its 
pledge. 

THE BROWN MOVEMENT LACEING IN DISCRIM- 
INATIjN OF PRINCIPLE. 

Let US briefly examine these attempted de- 
fences ot this act of desertion. I have said 
that the leadership ot the German element 
lacks discrimination of principle, and no 
better proof of the fact could be found than 
in the assertion that the adoption of the 
amendment enfranchising rebels Is a matter 
of principle. It their disfranchisement was, 
in the first place, wrong, then principle re- 
quired Its removal; it it was right, then its 
removal is only a question of policy and ex- 
pediency, not ot principle ; or, in General 
Schurz'a own words, it Is an "act of grace;" 
and an act ot grace is dictated not by princi- 
ple, but by the "quality ot mercy." Two 
years and a quarter ago, General Schurz was 
a member of the committee on resolutions 
of the Radical State convention; which 
committee reported without dissent, and the 
convention adopted without dissent, a reso- 
lution which affirmed "that the enfranchise- 
ment of those who engaged in, aided or sym- 
pathized with rebellion, was not only a 
legitimate and just consequence ot their 
own conduct, but a necessary measure tor 
the safety of the loyal people of this State." 

SCHURZ QUOTED AGAINST HIMSELF. 

By his own declaration, then, the disfran- 
chisement ot rebels by our constitution was 
right. The removal of that disfranchise- 
ment, then, is not a matter of principle, any 
more than is the exercise ot the pardoning 
power by the executive— each Is a mere "act 
of grace." This Is enough on the point of 
principle. No principle demanded that Gen- 
eral Schurz and his followers In the late con- 
vention should trample under foot the very 
lirst principle of all voluntary associations 
ot men. that the majority .shall govern, and 
demand ot the majority to Mubinit to tlm 
Miinorlty. or snlior thti eoiisfiirnfinens of 
iiioir boll fiom the parly. 



i a 






TUJJ I'LEDOIC or ISGS. 

The second is tlieir great grouud— the 
pledge of the party, and tbe repudiation of 

^ that pledge by the coDventlon. No more 
<* than the other ground will it bear examlna- 
^ tion. General Schurz bases the pledge upon 

^•o the res ilutlon ottered by him in the Reoubii- 
can National convention of 1863, at Chicago, 
and which was adopted by that body in these 
words: "We favor the removal of the dis- 
qualifications and restrictions imposed upon 
tne late rebels, in the s<ime measure as tbe 
spirit of disloyalty may die out and as may 
be consistent with the safety of the loyal 
people." What pledge Is there? If any. 
when and by whom was it to be fulflllea ? 
Did it relate lo State disfranchisements, or 
to national dlsqualificati nsand restrictions? 
No man of unoiaaed jadgmewtcan read the 
words and construe them into a pledge; but 
if they were intanded as such, i is plain that 
that National convention did not assume 
to speak authoritatively in regard 
to disfranchisements imposed by different 
States ; and consequently chat its words had 
another reference . 

FOURTEENTH AMENDMENT RH3TRICTI0N3 

That other reference was to the disqualifi- 
cations and restrictions imposed on rebels 
by the fourteenth article of amendments to 
the Constitution of th« United States, which 
relate to holding oflice and not to voting, 
and which may be removed from any Inai- 
vldual by an act of Congress passed by a 
two thirds vote of both houses. Whether, 
therefore, in any given case the spirit of dis- 
loyalty had died out, and disqualifications 
and restrictions could be removea consist- 
ently with the safety of the loyal people, 
was a matter for Congress to decide The 
whole effect of General Schurz's resolution 
was to make known to Congress and tbe 
country that thfJrBepublican party ol tne na- 
tion favored the' removal of those national 
disqualifieations and restrictions whenever 
the circumstances stated in that resolution 
were found to exist. 

SCHCEZ'S, INTERPEBTATION OF HIS CHICAGO 
KESOLDTION 

When, in a joint discussion with General 
Schurz recently at RolU, I presented these 
views of his Chicago resolution, he rejected 
thera, and insisted that hia resolution was 
meant to cover, and did in fact cover the 
whole ground of disqualifications, rpstrlc- 
tlon, and disfranchisements. State as well as 
National. He did not see the pitfall he dug 
for himself in taking that position : but you. 
my friends, will see it lu a moment, as I 
point it out to jou, 

that National conveution was held on tbe 
20th of May, 1868 

On the 16th of July following the Radical 
State convention of Missouri was held, 
of which General Schuiz was a member. 

He was also a member of the committee 
on Resolutions of that body, which reported 
without dissent the following resolution, and 
the convention adopted It: 

■That while we believe that the disfran- 
chisement of those who engaged in, aided, 
or sympathized with rebellion, was not 
only a legitimate and just conse- 
quence of their own conduct, 
but a necessary measure for the safety of 
the loyal people of this State, we cherish no 
revengeful feeling towards those who fought 
In fair and open battle, though for an un- 
just cause, and stand ready to restore to 
cbem every political privilege at the earliest 
moment consistent wtta State and national 
safety." 

KiU A NICE DISTINCTION. 

Now, my friends, you see that that resolu- 



tion is very dilloront from l.lio ono adopted 
at Chicago. The Chicago resolution did not 
name dtstiuallficatlons and restrictions Im- 
posed by States, while this resolution could 
refer to nothing but the disfranchisements 
imposed by the constitution of thii State. 
Which does General Schurz hold to be the 
pledge of Missouri Republicans, that made 
by the National conveotion. without men- 
tion of Missouri, or that made by the party 
in Missouri speaking for itsell? If there is 
a ditlcirence, does be not know that the last 
expression controls and sets aside the flrsr; 

THE CHICAGO VS. THE .JEFFERSON CITT PLAT- 
FORM 

It he meant the first to bind the party, why 
did he destroy its effect by procuring the 
adoption of the last? Can he rescue it from 
the destruction which he himself wrought, 
by now claiming for it a meaning and a pur- 
pose which, less than two mourns after its 
passage by the national convention, he, by 
the very act of assenting to the other resolu- 
tion, showed that he did not consider it to 
have? Observe, that while the Chicago res- 
olution favors, under designated circum- 
stances.'the removal of the disqualification* 
andie3trictlonslmp:s2d upon the late rebelp," 
—not this or that class, but any and all of 
them— the resolution of our own State con- 
vention singles out one class only, viz: 
"Those xohofovr/ht in fair and open battle.'' 
and expresses readiness, under certain cir- 
cumstances, to restore to them their political 
privileges. What did General Schurz 
mean by that discrimination? If 
the Chicago resolution was the 
party's pledge, did not he himself 
directly violate it by the Missouri resolution 
restricting the pledge to the single point of 
favoring the Confederate soldier in prefer- 
ence to ether rebels? And shall be now jus- 
tify his treason to his party by Its alleged 
repudiation of a pledge wnich, more than 
two years ago, he had himself dishonored? 

THE PITFALL SCHDRZ DUG FOR HIM3ELF. 

Behold, my friends, the pitfall which ihis 
bolting leadr-r dug for himself, and fell into 
headlong ! Who can lift him out of it? Who 
will venture upon such a dead lift as that? 

After this exposure of the utter hoUowuess 
of the pretexts upon wtich the desertion of 
their party by General Schurz and his fol- 
lowers Is attempted to be justified, there Is 
only one shadow in the picture which needs 
to be deeuened, to bring out m bolder prom- 
inence Us hideous features. Men may de- 
sert a party for some object which is to live 
and bear fruit, but this is the' first Instance 
within my knowledge Iff such desertion tor 
an object which Is to die with the day of 
election, and can bear uo fruit, before or 
after that day. 

THE PLATFORM OF A DAY. 

The bolters letc tne convention oacause it 
refused to adopt a platform making the 
support of the rending cointltiuional 
amendment a test of party fidelity. If that 
platform were t < live after the election, and 
guide the incoming administration, there 
might be some show of Justilicitlon for ad- 
hering to it with such dogged tenacity ; but 
It will live only until the close of the polls 
next Tuesday, and then sink out of sight 
forever Whether the ameuament oe adopt- 
ed or rejected, the platform will then cease 
tob?. 

If tne sole object of the bolters was to se- 
cure its adoptioa, was It not as much in their 
power to urge that iHSide of the party as out- 
side of It? 

3BPABATINQ THE CHAFF FRO.M THE FLOUR. 

The convention did not ostracise any man 
fir favoring It. The whole flel 1 of ptl'ort for 






it was letd wide open for all. Not a straw 
was laid In the way of any man's exerting 
all his powers in its favor. The most un- 
bounded freedom of opinion and action was 
accorded to all. Ought not this to have been 
enongli? It was enough for all true Repub 
licans, but not for those wolves in sheep's 
clothing, who had come Into the Republican 
fold only to devour and destroy. They de- 
manded a platform which must Inevitably 
fall to dust on the day of election, and be- 
cause the majority cared net to feed on such 
dead sea fruits they bolted. Well, my friend s, 
bolting In this case, as in the miller's work, 
will separate the chaff from the Hour. Here- 
after we shall know the flour of the party ; 
the chaff we commit to the winds. 

THE BOLT A BID FOR REBEL VOTES. 

Thus I have briefly considered, and I be- 
lieve, exposed the vapid ness of the pretexts 
upon which the desertion of his party by 
General Schurz and his followers is sought to 
be defended. I turn now to what I believe 
to be the real meaning of that nefarious act. 
You, as Republlcans,and many of you as citi- 
zens, whether Republicans or Democrats, 
will, I think, see that they more nearly con- 
cern you, ihan you may have yet thought. 

la the first place, the bolt is a bid 
for the votes of the late rebels when they 
shall have become enfranchised. Every- 
where throughout the State the claim of 
Brown to the support of the Democracy is 
urged on the ground of his having been the 
first Republican to urge the enfranchisement 
of rebels ; and the celebrated Planters' house 
meeting of November, 1866, is pointed to as 
proof of his priority of rank among the lovers 
of the rebels. Fellow-citizens, I denounced 
that meeting at the time as a proposition to 
sell out the Radical party of Missouri, and 
time has justified that denunciation. The 
bolt from our State convention was the legit- 
imate outcome of that meeting. 

THE TERMS OF SALE. 

The time for a seli-out bad not come in 
1S66, but it came in 1870. The terms of the 
sale were the betrayal of the RepubllcaH par- 
ty by Schurz, Brown & Co.. in consideration 
of the support of the Democracy, who should 
in this election have no State ticket of 
their own, but join their forces 
with recreant Republicans to rout the 
Republican party, which bad made those 
recreants all they are. This is the whole 
story in a sentence— and such a story ! Can 
the annals of political cunning, duplicity, and 
treacherv, outside of New York city, show 
its equal? 

A SCHEME OF VAULTING AMBITION . 

But, In the second place, there is, in my 
unhesitating belief, a scheme of vaulting 
ambition under this whole betrayal of our 
party, the like of which has nowhere else 
been seen. Carl Schurz is the acknowledged 
leader of the "German element" heretoiore 
In the Republican party of Missouri. You 
know, and every Republican in the State 
knows, how imperiously that '"element" and 
its hangers on have for years lorded it over 
the party, in its conventions, city, county, 
district, and state Its leaders have always 
and everywhere held it up before the party 
as a compact and resolute mass, of one will, 
which. If yielded to, would go with the party, 
but. If opposed, would bolt. And It has bolt- 
ed, time and again, when its aid was immi- 
nently needed. 

THE GERMANS AS BOLTERS 

In 1861. when, with war at its bight, 
the late of the country seemed to 
bang upon the re-election of Mr. Lincoln, 
he •German element" bolted from our Radi- 
cal statu coaviiution, iind wfiHt into thts 



movomout in favor of Fremont for the presi- 
dency, and called themselves the 'Radical 
Democracy." In 1865. when the fate of this 
State hung upon the adoption by the people 
of our preseut constitution, the same "ele- 
ment" voted against that constitution, giv- 
ing in this county alone 6000 majority against 
it, upon the pretext that it contaioed the 
word iohi>.e» In 1868, when an amendment 
to that constitution was proposed, striking 
out of it that word, and giving the ballot to 
the negro, that same "element" voted 
against it, and voted it down. 

SCHURZ TO CARRY TaE GERMANS OVKU TO THE 
DEMOCRACY. 

Such an "element," moving in such com- 
pact mass, is a mighty newer in the hands of 
him who can wield it. General Schurz is sup- 
posed to possess that capacity. He speaks and 
writes to them in their mother tongue, and 
can reach them as no American can. And, 
occupying that vantage ground, I believe 
that he has conceived the daring thought, 
now that this power over the Republican 
pa'ty is broken, of carrying over the whole 
"German element" of Missouri, In future 
elections, (not, however. In this), to the De- 
mocracy, and wielding over that party the 
scepter, under which RepubUcans refuse 
longer to serve. And, in my opinion, his 
ambition does not stop there. I believe 
that he has nurtured the more daring 
thought of marching the entire German 
mass of the Republican Germans of the 
United States over to the Democracy, to se- 
cure the election of a Democratic President 
in 1872, over whose administration he may 
exert an influence as supreme, as his aid in 
its election was efficient. It is the old idea 
of "a power behind the throne greater than 
the throne itself ;" which throne, under the 
constitation, h ecan never himself fill. 

THAT DARK HINT OF 1869. 

Is my belief on thts point unreasonable? 
It General Schurz dees not mean this, 
what meant his dark hint in February, 
1869, jnst before taking his seat in the Sen- 
ate, when, in answer to New York Germans, 
who had presented him an address, he spoke 
of ' new ties'' to be formed by him in the fu- 
ture and of his "arriving at dilferent con- 
clusions from those held by the persons who 
had then addressed him?" 

My friends, I see in the position of General 
Schurz to-day the outcropping of those 
"different conclusions," and the beginning 
of the formation of those "new ties." Time 
will show whether mv vision is straight or 
not If time shall vindicate General Schurz 
so much the better for him, so much the 
worse for me. When, however. I opposed 
his election to the Senate, I staked all upon 
my declared j udgment that his election would 
be the beginning of dissension in the Radical 
party in Missouri, and time has shown me 
right. I leave to time the proof of the cor- 
rectness of my present belief. 

TAKING ALL AND GIVING NOTHING. 

Can Gen. Schurz exercise such control ever 
his German fellow-citizens? Time must setl le 
that question, too. I do not believe he can. 
I regard them as an Intelligent people, who, 
though confiding In their German leaders, 
are yet Independent thinkers, who mean to 
promote the interests of their adopted coun- 
try ; and the day will come when they will 
overwhelm with confusion, as they did 
Frank Blair in 1861, those who wonld lead 
them into political associations adverse to 
their interests and their principles. There 
is a broad line of demarkation and separa- 
tion between Republicans and Democrats, 
which bolting Republican leaders may pass, 
but oyer whidh they can hwdly drag tUw 



masses of llio Goniuiu pooplo. It will bo 
time enough for the Democracy to p.xult over 
that reinforcement wlien they get ic- They 
have not got it jet, as is shown by the pres- 
ence of the bolters' ticliet in this county for 
the county officers, contesting every inch of 
the ground wich the very Democracy whose 
aid they invoke to elect Brown. They are 
willing to take all they can get from the 
Democracy, and to give in return— nothing. 
I congratulate the Democracy on a bar- 
gain which, to use one of Gratz .Brown's 
Hassinal phrases, is so truly "iug handle- 
wise." 

THKBOLT A FREE-TRADS MOVEMENT. 

But to proceed to the third and last secret 
of the bolt from our convention. I have no 
more doubt than of my existence, that that 
bolt was a free trade movement. Its leaders, 
its candidates and its newspapers are all of 
the free-trade school, which. openlv, through 
the organism of a league in New York City, 
using without stint or limit the money of 
foreigners to subsidize the press and fill the 
laud with its emissaries, is aiming to break 
down the industries of America, that the in- 
dustries of England and ContinentalEurope 
may be built un upon their ruitis. This, my 
friends, is much less a question of capital 
than of labor. Capitalists are few, laborers 
are many: and ho who would subordinate 
American to European industries strikes at 
the multitude, with whom labor is a necps- 
sity. as well as at the few whose capital is, 
of choice, employed in manufactures. 

AN IMPLACABLE FOE TO FREE TR4.DE. 

I do not tor a moment hesitate to avow 
that I am a life-long opponent of any and 
every policy which degrades American labor 
to the level of European labor. I recognize 
to the fullest extent my obligation to cher- 
ish and protect American industry before 
any other industry in the wide world. I am, 
therefore, as you, citizens of Missouri, ought 
to be, the implacable foe of free trade, for It 
means free ruin to American labor; and 
whatever means that, means dire ruin to our 
country. Of pecessity, then, on this point, I 
must stand wdirect antagonism to General 
Schurz, Gratz l^rown, the Missouri Demo- 
crat, and all the rest of the free traders, big 
and little, 

THE TARIFF. 

This necessarily brings up the question of 
the tariff, upon which indulge me with a few 
words. They must be few. but I will try to 
make them tothe point The national gov- 
ernment needs and must have a large 
annual revenue. Shall that revenue be 
derived from internal taxation, such as we 
have bad for the last five or six years, and 
which has borne so heavily upon the people ; 
or shall it ba got throueh duties on imports, 
where, so little does any man feel the pay- 
ment of his share, that not one person in a 
thousand knows that he pays a cent of it? 
Every man in the nation will say. abolish 
the Internal taxation as far as possibl*, and 
raise the needed revenue through the tariff. 

EVILS OF NON-PROTBCTION. 

But, it may be asked, what Rind of a tariff? 
There is a low taiift. which raises the re- 
quired revenue by swelling the Imports, and 
just as they swell, the country is drained of 
gold to pay for them, and at the same time 
our own factories are shut up. and their 
work-people turned out of employment, to 
beg or starve. 

That is the free traders' tariff, and I am 
agalLstit. 

OBJECTIONS TO EXCESSIVE DUTIES. 

Then ihere Is what, forty or fifty years ago, 
was known as a high protective tariff, 
which It'Vled hi^U dntlos on foreign Koodx 



competing in tho Aiiioriciui market 
wilh American ROodP, for the purpose 
of protecting the manufacturers of the lat- 
ter against that competition, without regard 
to whether more revenue than the govern- 
ment needed was raised thereby or not. I 
am not for that kind of tariff. 

THE HAPPPT MEDIUM. 

There is a third descripMon of tariff, 
framed to raise the revenue needed by the 
government, and no more, through an ar- 
rangement of the duties not on one dead 
plane of uniform rate, but with such dis- 
criminations in fiivor of American industry 
as will give our home manufacturers a fair 
chance in our home market, so as not to bn 
driven out of it by those of KD!»laad or any 
other foreign country. That la the tarltf for 
me, and ougnt to be for every American, and 
ray friends, It will be tor the ereat mass of 
the American people. North and South, East 
and West. 

TAKING CARE OF AMEKICAN INTSRE3TS. 

The hue and cry of tree traders will avail 
them nothing against a tariff based on that 
common sense idea. We must take care of 
American interests, ard most especially 
of American labor, or they will be driven 
to the wall. It, in doing so, some men grow 
rich, shall they t.herefore be pulled down? If 
so, what becomes of the labor they employ, 
at wages higher than England, Germany, or 
France pays, and which eievaie the Ameri- 
can artisan and mechanic above the ariisans 
and mechanics of any other couotrj? 

THE MONOPOLISTS. 

But the great argument of the free traders 
is in a perpetual and insane outcry against 
"monopolists." In this country there are no 
monopolists except patentees c.f inventions. 
A manufacturer who invests millions of cap- 
ital, and employs thousands of hands is not 
a monopolist, unless he have the exclusive 
right to invest capital and employ bands in 
that particular business. If others may free- 
ly go into the same business, there is no mo- 
nopoly. But, my friends, suppose that a 
tariff, with incidental protection, does raise 
up American monopolists— which I utterly 
deny— the low tariff of the free traders raises 
up monopolists in England and Contioentai 
Europe, to fatten on the downfall of Ameri- 
can industries; and would you rather send 
your money abroad, to the ruin of our own 
people and the enrichment of foreigners, 
than to keep It at home to build up Ameri- 
can interests? Free trade is American pro- 
tection to foreigners; a tariff, with discrim- 
inating duties, is American protection to 
Americans. I am agstinst the former, and 
for the latter ; and it is a bold and false as- 
sertion to say that Missouri I3 for free trade. 
Whenever the time comes for her to speak 
she will speak out for the protection of 
American industry and intf-Tests. 

FREE TRADE HOSTILE TO THE INTERESTS OF 
MISSOURI. 

It was, in my opinion, to aid In betrajing 
her into the follies and fallacies of free 
trade that General Schurz and his followers 
bolted from our convention. Against that 
maneuver I invoke the opposition of every 
man who desires to see the Illimitable nat- 
ural resources of Missouri developed. She 
has enough within her to make her, within 
twenty years, in wealth and population the 
second State in the Union, if not the first: 
and shall it not be brought out? 
Why not make her, with her boundless 
mineral wealth, the mineral center of the 
United States, if not of the world? With 
free trade triumphant, that wealth will lie 
there undeveloped, as it has through the 
ages of the past ; with a Lario such as I fa- 



vor, it will roll out lor ages to como. Down, 
theD, with free trade, say 1. 

But I can give no more time to thii great 
subject. It will hereafter come before the 
people for discussion, when I may be heard 
upon it at leoRth. My present purpose has 
been to expose the secret springs and con- 
cealed under-currents of General Sehnrz'a 
bolt from our convention, as they appear to 
me; and having done that I pass toother 
topics. 

THE BOLTERS' CANDIDATE FOR GOVERNOR. 

Ic was not enough lor General Scburz to 
bolt in favor of a platform which had but 
barely two months and six days of life possi- 
ble to it, but a ticket for State ctiicars must 
be nominated upon that platform. He pro- 
claimed in the convention, before he left it. 
the llxed purpose ot his game in these words: 

"Some suca nlatform will go before the 
people of this Si^ate at the next election, and 
a candidate ivill go before the people for 
their suffrage who does not by his known 
opinions, associations, and public record 
give the lie to what is declared in the plat- 
form upon which he is nominated." 

And such a platform the bolters have pre- 
sented to the people, with a candidate upon 
it in the person of B. Gratz Krown I have 
examined the platform and now propose to 
look at the candidate. 

B GRATZ BROWN AS A ' LIBERAL " 

He IS put forth as a Liberal. la what does 
his liberality consist? Simply in knocking 
in the head the party that made him ail he 
ever was politically, and rushing into the 
pale of a party which, having a surplus of 
men of its own to elevate, will have no use 
for him af tar this "base use" to which they 
put him now. But he and they can settle 
that hereafter. 

He is put forth with a challenge to all to 
scrutinize his record as a Liberal. I have 
heretofore accepted that challenge, and giv- 
en his record to the world. I found in it 
some curious things. 

CDRIOUS SCRAPS OF POLITICAL HISTORY. 

In 1863, when he was a candidate for Unit- 
ed Stares senator, and Radicalism was, like 
John Brown's soul, marching oh. he hurled 
perpetual disfranchisment at the rebels, and 
proclaimed against them "the fullest meas- 
ure of RETALIATION." 

In 1864, after his election to the Senate.and 
when he was looking forward to a re-elec- 
tion, he again cried aloud for the perpetual 
disfranchisement of rebels. 

In that year, too, the Cleveland conven- 
tion, called and engineered by him, and 
which nominated Fremont for the Presiden- 
cy, declared in favor of the C0NFI3CATI0^f 
ot the lands of rebels, and their distribution 
among thu soldiers and actual settlers. 

In 1865, while still looking for a re-elec- 
tion, he wrote thus: "I am one of those who 
have from the beginning believed that the 
loyal and the disloyal can never live in Mis- 
souri together, and the latter must he forced 
to depart, and I believe that reglstrarioa is 
the otily mode that will accomplish it." 

A FEABFOL QUARTETTE. 

My friends, a reader of certain newspapers 
Iq Missouri during the last six years, would 
suppose that he who now addresses you en- 
joyed a monopoly ot savage and devilish 
nate toward rebels; but here is a Haleite to 
whom I take off my hat. Gra'z Brown has 
written down such words as I never wrote 
in regard to i-eteels. His creed was summed 
up in the fearful quartette: 

REi"a.LIAriON. 
PERPETUAL DISFRANCHISEMENT. 

CONFISCATION. 

BANISH MKNT. 



WUO IS TUB REAL "IIATEITEV" 

J yield to him the supremacy of hate. 
When I wrote the suffrage 
article of our constitution, imposing disfran- 
chisement upon rebels, I placed there 
authority in the Legislature to re- 
move that disfranchisement after the 
first day of January, 1871; but Gratz 
Brown was for perpetual exclusion of 
rebels from the ballot-box. And yet be is 
now the Liberal, and I am called the "Hate- 
ite." 

He is the candidate of the so-called 
Liberals, in support of an amendment 
which, in terms, pronounces eternal disfran- 
chisement against any who hereafter engage 
in rebellion; while he Is not willing to let the 
temporary disfranchisement of.former rebels 
under our constitution last till next New 
Year's day ; and for that he is the Liberal, 
and I am called the "Hateite." 

CIRCUMiTANGES ALTER CASES. 

But, alas for the tntirmlty of poor human 
nature. It is too true that "circumstances 
alter cases." This Liberal candidate's hate 
and love come and go as his personal inter- 
ests dictate. He hates when it is profitable, 
and loves when it is gain. In 1863, '64 and '65, 
with the Senate chamber in view, ha 
breathed the hot breath of vengeance and 
retaliation; now with Missouri's executive 
mansion in sight, he "roars you gently as 
any sucking dove." 

ON THE ROAD TO THE DEMOCRACY. 

Fellow citizens, it stands out as a plain 
and incontestible truth, that it was only 
after Gratz Brown had lost all hope of re- 
eectlon to the Senate, that he doubled on 
his track, and faced toward the Democracy. 
He saw that his vocation as a political 
double cylinder wringer of the Radical par- 
ty of Missouri was gone. He had wrung the 
last drop out of that party, and he tooR up 
his line of march to the Democracy, to 
wring the last drop out of them, if he can. 
From that Planters' House meeting in No- 
vember, 1866, you may date Gratz Brown's 
purpose to abandon the party which he saw 
no longer needed him, and se^^a new field 
in a party wiere he thought he might find 
a high place. Frank Blair had already 
traveled that road, aud Gratz Brown follows 
him. 

SATAN REBUKING SIN. 

But, my friends, how does this Liberal 
candidate avoid the effect of his record 
of hate# which I have placed be- 
fore the people of Missouri? He admits it 
all true ; ana how does he turn its edge? He 
says the circumstances have changed, and 
so have his feelings. That, I suppose is true ; 
but why should he In the same speech, call 
me an "apostle of hate," when I, in drafting 
the constitution, in the mid&t of the war, 
foresaw that the circumstances would 
change, at the very time that he was fulmi- 
nating perpetual disfranchisement, confisca- 
tion, and banishment against rebels? 

THUNDER STEALING 

Which shows the more liberal and Chris- 
tian spirit, he who, surrounded by all the 
bad and bitter passions of the war, looked 
through the lurid clouds to the end, and pro- 
vided for only a temporary disfranchise- 
ment, or he who then proclaimed perpetual 
disfranchlsament, and changed his ground 
only when circumstances changed? And 
what credit are he and General Schurz and 
the whole company of the bolters entitled to 
for advocatingtheenfranchisementof rebels 
at the exact time I had fixed, nearly six 
years ago, in the constitution, for that en- 
franchisement to be conferred by the Legis- 
lature? Are they not stsallng my thnndei ? 



-7— 



"NOT WISKLT r.tn' TOO WBLr, " 

IJiit, luy friends, why TurtUer pursue the 
iirRument? Why further depict the cause- 
less treason aud shameless apostacy of men 
whom the great Radical party has heretofore 
"loved, not wisely but too well?" I leave 
them here and hasten to the conclusion. 

NO OPPOSITION BETWEEN REPUBLICANS AND 
THE AJIENDMENT3. 

Were It in any degree true that the election 
of the bolters' ticket is necessary, or even 
tends, to secure the enfranchisement of 
rebels, I could see something to be gained by 
the advocates of enfranchisement In break- 
ing from party preferencps and party 
obligations to vote for that ticket. But it is 
not in any degree true that the election of 
that ticket Is necessary or tends to securo 
tbat end. Every man's vote on enfranchise- 
ment is distinct and separate from his vote 
for oflieers. Nor is there any ground of ap- 
peal to Democrats to vote the bolters' ticket 
because of opposition by the Republican 
party to the pending amendments. No such 
opposition has been anywhere developed. 
Oovernor McClurg has declared that he has 
made none: I have just concluded an ex- 
tended canvass in the Interior, in the course 
of which I have made none: and I am not 
aware that there is In the Republican party 
anywhere any organized or concerted oppo- 
sition to those amendments. 

WHY DEMOCRATS SHODLD NOT VOTE FOR THE 
BOLTERS' TICKET. 

If, then, Republicans break from their 
party affinities to vote for that ticket, they 
do it with the full and certain knowledge 
tbat their act is one of needless hostility 
to their party. It Democrats vote for it, 
they do It with three great facts 
plain before their eyes, viz: that they 
do not thereby aid the enfranchisement :that 
they do thereby aid to put back Into influ- 
ence and power, In our State government, 
for two years to come, men whom they have 
for years bitterly and boundlessly denounced 
as guilty of heinous crimes ; and that they 
exclude from that government, during that 
time, a man whose public and private char- 
acter are above all reproach, or even suspic- 



ion— who li.i^ .vliuluisloi'od tlio ivtTPtnniont 
honestly, capably.aud faithfully— and anainst 
whom the present war is waged, in a largo 
measure, because he Is too clearsighted to be 
deceived by the specious arts of knavec, and 
too honest and true to be tainted with oMiclal 
corruption. 

A FINAL APPEAL. 

Republicans of St. Louis! my final appeal 
is to you. Your party is one whose princi- 
ples, history, and aims, demand;your respect, 
your admiration, and your devotion. Its rec- 
ord is one of untarnished brightness. Its 
principles demand the acceptance of all 
good and true men. Its nurposes Include 
the best good of all. It wields its power in 
no spirit of oppression, Iniustlce, or wrong. 
It has shown Itself the friend of the down- 
trodden and the abject. Freedom Is Its 
watchword, its aim. Its love. It has proved 
Itself th«i bulwark of your country. When, 
in some future day, its history comes to be 
written by an Impartial hand, as the histo- 
rian will place Abraham Lincoln by the side 
of George Washington, so beside the Revo- 
lutionary hosts who brought the nation Into 
life he will place the Republican hosts of this 
period who saved that life in its deadliest 
peril. Of that great organization we, m 
Missouri, are a part. We are assailed by 
foes within and foes without. Treachery 
undermines, while the open adversary bat- 
ters. Our Renubllcan brothers throughout 
the nation look upon the conflict with anx- 
ious solicitude. It treachery triumphs here 
it will burrow elsewhere: it we crushit kere. 
it will hide Its head there. As we 
were the advance guard of Radical- 
ism during the war, so now are we in 
the front of this great struggle by this great 
party against Internal feud and external at- 
tack. Let us be true to our high position, to 
our great trust, and to our noble history. 
Lat us, as one man, press firmly forward In 
the line of duty, following the bright old 
standard of our RepuTjltcan organization, 
and again it will blaze In victory— the victo- 
ry of honesty, truth and Justice, over fraud, 
falsehood, treachery, and carruptlon. 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 

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LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 



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